Author . 




Title 



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IG — i7372-2 GPO 



•-B- 



SPEECH 



1^ 



HON. H. S. FOOTE, OF MISSISSIPPI, 



ow 



SUSPENDING DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS MTH AUSTRIA. 



DELIVERED 



IN SENATE OP THE UNITED STATES, JANUARY 8, 1849. 



WASHINGTOJ^: 

PRINTED AT THE GLOBE OFPICB. 

b'ife, 1849. 



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http://www.archive.org/details/speechonsuspendiOOfoot 






■SPEECH OF MR. FOOTE, 

In reply to Mr. Clay, on the quesiion of suspending diplomatic relations with Austria. 



Mr. FOOTE said: Mr. President: It is with a 
feeling of strong reluctance that I throw myself 
upon the indulgence of the Senate and claim its atten- 
tion whilst I attempt to respond to a portion of the 
remarks offered on yesterday by the distinguished 
Senator from Kentucky upon the resolution on 
your table. Indeed, I should not be willing to do 
so at all, but that I have found other friends, 
who concur like myself in most of the views so 
eloquently stated by the honorable Senator from 
Michigan in our hearing a day or two since, wholly 
unwilling to participate in the debate at this stage 
of it; and I am a little apprehensive that if nothing 
further should be said by the friends of the resolu- 
tioj-), after the speech of the honorable Senator 
from Kentucky, more or less of misunderstanding 
might prevail in regard to the real object proposed 
to be attained by that resolution, as well as in rela- 
tion to the effects and consequences likely to arise 
from its adoption. The question before us, as I 
understand it, is a very simple one, and may be thus 
stated: Shall we instruct the Committee on Foreign 
Relations to inquire into the expediency of suspending 
diplomatic intercourse icith Russia and Austrial — (the 
original resolution offered by the Senator from 
Michigan having reference to Austria alone, whilst 
theamendment of the honorable Senator from New 
Hampshire proposes to embrace Russia also.) I 
am in favor of the original resolution, for the reasons 
already declared by the honorable Senator from 
Michigan; and I am opposed to theamendment, 
chiefly because I am apprehensive that, if incor- 
porated into the resolution, it will only serve to 
defeat it; such being doubtless the object of its 
mover. 

Mr. President, all will admit that the question 
before us for decision is one deeply involving the 
character of this nation, and the cause of civil 
liberty throughout the world. In my judgment, 
it is not a question of peace or war, nor can it be 
in fairness debated as such. Two gentlemen on 
the opposite side of the Chamber have been heard 
in opposition to the resolution — the honorable Sen- 
ators from Kentucky and New Hampshire. 

Mr. HALE. Will, the honorable Senator allow 
me to aisk him, why he says I have opposed the 
resolution ? 

Mr. FOOTE. I will state my reasons for sup- 
posing him hostile to the suspension of diplomatic 
iintercourse, as proposed by the honorable Senator 



from Michigan, if the gentlem&n who has just in- 
terrogated me shall desire it. 

Mr. HALE. I am in favor of the resolution. 

Mr, FOOTE. The honorable Senator from New 
Hampshire knows, as well as any man in Christen- 
dom, how to appear to he the rose, and yet he the ser- 
pent under it. Hie understands perfectly all the 
indirect and circumventive arts of debate, and can 
comprehend as easily as any member of the Senate 
in what manner hostility may be practised under 
the guise of friendship, and irreparable ruin may 
be inflicted without any previous menace of injury. 
I beg the worthy gentleman not to be uneasy, 
though, under the allusion which I have made to 
him; I can assure him that I do not desfgn respond- 
ing formally to anything which has been brought 
forward by him in debate. The slavery question, 
upon which he is perpetually ranting in this Cham- 
ber, I shall never more discuss here or elsewhere; 
being prepared, as is the State that I in part repre- 
sent here, for appropriate action upon it, when 
action shall become necessary. I would as soon 
think of pursuing the will-o'-the-wisp, over the 
perilous surface of some pestilent morass, as at- 
tempt to follow that gentleman in all his discursive 
and devious windings as a debater in this hall. I 
should consider it just as profitable to occupy my- 
self in efforts to extract sunbeams from cucumbers, 
as to controvert the slavery question with him, 
either here or elsewhere; and regarding him as 
only having made his accustomed abolition speech 
on this occasion, which I have often heard deliv- 
ered by him before, with very slight variations in- 
deed, I shall leave the honorable member to the 
satisfaction which he evidently feels at having per- 
formed his habitual task with about his usual 
adroitness and spirit, and proceed to the examina- 
tion of matters actually connected with the question 
under debate. 

Paulo majora canamus. I cannot enter, Mr. 
President, upon the strict and impartial examina- 
tion, which I am about to undertake, of the speech 
delivered in our hearing on yesterday by the hon- 
orable Senator from Kentucky, who sits over the 
way, [Mr. Ci..\y,] without paying to him a pre- 
liminary tribute of respect, which is no less prompt- 
ed by my heart than sanctioned by my under- 
standing. It has been nearly two years since the 
worthy predecessor of the honorable Senator, now 
no longer among us here, where he waa so univer- 



4 



sal a favorite in social life, took me rather pointed- 
ly to task for certain allusions in which I had in- 
dulged in reference to a noted visit made to this 
city by the honorable gentleman now in my eye; 
on which occasion a brilliant eulogy was pro- 
nounced upon the honorable gentleman, and he 
was quite ceremoniously and ra'.her unseasonably, 
as I then thought, and now think, consigned to 
private life as '' a retired statesman.''' When thus 
held to responsibility (or alleged injustice, I did not 
hesitate to disavow, as happily I had it in my power 
to do with perfect sincerity, all intentional disre- 
spect or unkindness; and I took occasion to speak 
very explicitly in praise of tlie honorable gentle- 
man, then absent but now present, venturing also 
to suggest an amendment to a Latin quotation ap- 
plied to him by his eloquent eulogist, already al- 
luded to, with a view of intimating the conviction 
which i felt of the extended power and influence 
possessed by the honorable gentleman commended. 
The Latin words, as originally brought forward, 
v/ere ''■ claruin et venerahile nomen;'' to which I 
added, ^'gentibus;" thus participating, to tlieextent 
of one word at least, in the application of the clas- 
sic extract once so sirikingly applied by Edmund 
Burke to the elder Chatham. 

Now, sir, I will not detain the Senate by a rep- 
etition of all I then said in praise of the honora- 
ble Senator, and indeed I could not well, without 
some appearance of indelicacy, do more than de- 
clare at present that all which I then uttered in 
honor of him is entirely correspondent with the sen- 
timents which I now entertain. I will take the liber- 
ty in addition, to avow the gratification which I feel 
as a personal friend of the honorable Senator, at 
seeing him here once more among us, enjo^/'ing 
apparentlj' so much health of mind and body, 
and prepared 10 enter with so much vigor and ac- 
tivity upon the arduous duties which are before 
us. Indeed, Mr. President, when the honorable 
Senator arose on yesterday and commenced his 
address to you, I was full of hope that the invoca- 
tion of my honorable friend from Michigan had 
proved successful, and that we should have the 
countenance and aid of the Senator from Kentucky 
in support of the resolution under discussion. Rev- 
eling in this anticipation, and perhaps with a fan- 
cy somewhat stimulated by the occasion, I could 
not help recurring to the august description given 
by Milton of one of his Pandemonean heroes, of 
whom he says: 

"With grave 

Asi)ectlierose, and in his rising seemed 

A pillar of static; tleep on his front engraven 

Deliheiation sat, and public care ; 

And princely counsel in his face yet shone 

Majestic." 

And now, sir, I proceed to the question before 
us; which, after all, as I understand it, is simply 
this: Shall we, as an American Senate, under the 
circumstances so vividly portrayed by the honor- 
able Senator from Michigan, venture to avow our 
sympathy for oppressed Hungary, and declare our 
indignation at the suii'erings to which her noble 
poople have been exposed, and at the violent over- 
throw of their free civil institutions which had 
subsisted for centuries, under the most solemn or- 
ganic guarantees, by the united energies of two 
despotic and unprincipled Despots, who have be- 
come associated for the abominable purpose of 
extinguishing Hungarian liberty, in the precious 
blood of patriots, heroes, and sages, and by the 



perpetration of every outrage which could awaken 
the wrath of Heaven, or justify the retaliatory 
vengeance of man .■' That we are entitled both to 
sympathize, and to censure, to the extent pro- 
posed by the resolution under consideration, I 
■consider almost too obvious to be plausibly denied. 
Indeed, sir, in my opinion, there are certain well' 
known principles'of the law of nations which are 
of themselves decisive of this point, i will an- 
nounce them without special comment thereupon. 
And, L Man is a social being. 2. Universal society 
(as Vattel terms it) is an institution of nature her- 
self: and all men, in whatever stations placed, are 
bound to cultivate it and to discharge its duties. 
3. As the object of natural society established 
among mankind is that they should lend each 
other mutual assistance, in order to attain perfec- 
I tion themselves, and to render their condition as 
perfect as possible; and since nations, considered 
as so many free persons living together in a state 
of nature, are bound to cultivate social intercourse 
with each other, it follows that the great object of 
the society established by Nature betweeti all na- 
tions is the interchange of tmitaal assistance for ihtir 
oion improvement and that of their condition. 4. The 
first general law 'which tve discover in the very object 
of the society of nations is, that each individiial na- 
tion is bound to coiitribute everything in her poxoer 
to the happiness and perfection of all the others. 
5. The general and fundamental rule of our duties 
towards ourselves is, that every moral being ought 
to live in a manner conformable to his nature — 
naturiz convenienter vivere. These are well known 
maxims, laid down solemnly by Vattel, and ap- 
proved by every writer on national law to be found 
in our libraries; all of which, or the principal part 
of it, is perhaps embraced in a comprehensive pas- 
sage of Shakspeare, (part of the advice of Polonius 
to Laertes,) and which is equally applicable to 
nations as to individuals: 

*' This, above all, to thine own self be true ; 
And it must follow, as the day the night, 
Tliat thou canst not iie false to any man." 

Yes, sir, let us be true to ourselves, as a repub- 
lican people on this occasion. Let us show a be- 
coming respect for the free principles of govern- 
ment which we enjoy; let us be properly mindful 
of the importance of our example as the model 
republic of the world. Let us not be forgetful of 
our duty towards our fellow-men elsewhere with- 
in the sphere of civilization, in aiding them in all 
legitimate and authorized modes to perfect their 
own happiness and to secure their own freedom. 
Let us, above all, not overlook the direct interest 
which we have in facilitating the diffusion of free 
institutions, and in narrowing the domain of des- 
potism; and then, as it seems to me, we shall be 
but little inclined to doubt what our ti-ue policy 
is at the present moment in regard to discontinu- 
ing for a season — in other words suspending — 
diplomatic relations with Austria. 

No one will undertake to deny that we have a 
right, if we choose, to suspend diplomatic relations 
with Austria, or with any other Power, either in 
Europe, Asia, Africa, or America. The horora- 
ble Senator from Kentucky has not contended, nor 
will he contend, that the withdrawal of our minis- 
ter from the Austrian court, will furnish just cause 
of complaint against us. He will not assert that, 
if we do precisely what this resolution proposes, 
the Austrian Governrnent can regard itself as un- 



5 



justly dealt with, or that the law of nations will 
have been violated to its disadvantage. To be 
sure, in adopting this coiuse, we shall show to 
Austria and to all the world, that we are not ambi- 
tious of a very intimate association with her pres- 
ent imperial government; that we deem it expe- 
dient, and safe, and important to our good standing 
among the family of nations, not to be recognized 
as sympathizing with a tyrannical and perfidious 
government in all its enormous excesses of brutal- 
ity and of bloodshed; that in the great struggle be- 
tween tyrants and their su'ijecfs, we do not sym- 
pathize with the former, and look with indifference 
-or satisfaction upon the sufferings of the latter; 
and that we are desirous, by a single striking act, 
like that now proposed to our consideration, to 
testify to mankind' everywhere, and to all genera- 
tions, our. love of liberty and our hatred of oppres- 
sion. 

The honorable Senator from Michigan has gone 
minutely into the history of that system of diplo- 
■ matic intercourse now existing in the worid, and 
has brought to our notice the recency of its origin, 
and the corruptions which have at different periods 
crept into it. I shall not enlarge upon this topic; 
it is unnecessary; but I beg leave simply to remind 
honorable Senators that the system of entertaining 
resident ministers at the different courts of nations 
is one to which most of our earlier statesmen were 
decidedly hostile, as calculated to lead to unprofit- 
able entanglement in the domestic affairs of other 
nations, and as likely to involve us in the wars 
which the different JPowers of the earth are so 
much inclined to carry on with each other. Those 
who are familiar with the views of Mr. .Tefferson 
onthis subject will not fail to recollect his oppo- 
sition, as repeatedly avowed, to sending ministers 
abroad at all, except upon special exTgencies of 
State, as they might from time to time arise, and 
that he ever dreaded more or less of mischief as 
likely to result even from the formal negotiation of 
treaties. He retained his orisjinal views on this 
subject up to the close of his life, as no one will 
doubt who will examine his immortal writings. 
The last two of his letters in which he reiterates 
his favorite doctrines are, one of them, a letter to 
Mr. Mazzei, in the year 1304, and the other a letter 
to Mr. Monroe, then President, so late as the year 
1815. The language of the earlier of these letters 
is as follows": 

" On the suhject of treaties our syptom is, to have nnnfi 
with any nation, as far as can be avoided. The treaty with 
England ha?, therefore, not to be renewed, and all ovfrt'.sres 
for treaty with other nations have been declined. We be- 
lieve that, with' nations as wirh individuals, dealings may 
be carrifid on as advantageously, perhaps .more so' while 
their continuance depRnd,-; on a voluntary good treatnipnt, 
as if fixed by a contract, which, when it becomes injurious 
to either, is madre, by forced constructions, to me^ii what 
suits tht-ni, ai.d becomes a cause of war instead of a bond 
of pfacfi. We wish.to be on the closest terms of friendship 
with Naple.«, and we will prove it hy giving to Jier citizens, 
vessels, and goods, all the privileges of the most favored 
nation; and, while we do this voluntarily, we cannot 
doubt they will voluntarily do the same for us. Our in- 
terests against the Barharesques being also the same, we 
have little doubt she will give us every facilitv to ensure 
them which our situation may ask and' hers admit, ft is 
not, tiien, from a want of friendship that we do not propose 
a treaty with Naples, but because it is asainst our system ro 
embarrass ourselves with treaties, or to" entangle o'urselves 
at all with the atlairs of Europe. The kind offices we re- 
ceive from that Governirient arc more sensiblv felt, as 
S'ich, than they wcmid be if rendered only as due' to us by 
lireaty." 

In his letter of 1815, he reiterates the same views 



in the most emphatic manner, as all may see who 
choose to look into the 4th volume of his writings. 
I will content rnyself with citing only one para- 
graph: 

"Indeed we areinfinitely better without such treaties with 
any nation. We cannot too distiuctiv detach ourselves from 
the European systeni, which is es.sentiallv belligerent, nor 
too sedulously cultivate an American system, essentially pa- 
cific."— Sr<rac<7Vum a Ze«er «o i/ie President of Ike United 
Slates, 1815, (Jefferson's Correspondence.) 

And now I feel that I might, did I choose to do 
so, safely propound the question whether, upon 
general grounds of public policy, it is expedient for 
the United States to keep a resident minister at the 
Court of Austria.' I am sure that I might, without 
much danger of an affirmative response being ren- 
dered, inquire whether there are any of our na- 
tional interests likely to suffer so seriously in con- 
sequence of the withdrawal of our charge now in 
Vienna, as to compensate for the dangers which 
vi'e must inevitably incur of becoming more or less 
embroiled in the scenes there in progress; ta repay 
us for the serious loss of honor which we must 
sustain from continuing the existing social rela- 
tions between the tVvO countries; and counterbal- 
ance the detriment to which the cause of free insti- 
tutions throughout the world will be subjected by 
our continuing to exhibit undiminished respect for 
a government which has become degraded in the 
estimation of all mankind, by the atrocities so faith- 
fully and powerfully delineated by the honorable 
Senator from Michigan, and by the merciless per- 
secution which it has practised upon a noble race, 
whose only crime is their love of liberty, and 
whose highest alleged offence is their manly re- 
sistance to the most shameless usurpation that has 
ever stained the annals of civilization? 

But the honorable Senator frotn Kentucky con- 
tends that we should not suspend diplomatic inter- 
course, as proposed in the resolution before us, 
because, by doing so, we should be involved in the 
criminality of pronouncing a judgment upon the 
conduct of another nation, which he asserts we 
have no right to do. I will read his own words, 
as reported in the Intelligencer of this morning: 

" Mr. President, I have risen late in the evening, really 
intending to say much less than I have said, and I must con- 
clude by expressing the hope that the Senate of the United 
.States, when they come to delilierale seriously uppn the 
consequence of the adoption of such a resolution as this, 
will pause; that they will tiot open a new field of collision, 
terminatiUL' perhaps in war, and exposing ourselves to the 
reaction of foreign Powers, who, when they see us assu- 
ming to judge of their conduct, will undertake in their Uiru 
to Judge of our conduct. We ought to recollect tliat, with 
the sole exception of France, whose condition is yet some- 
wliat oliscured in doubt and Uncertainty as to the fate of a 
republic which she has established, we stand solitary and 
alone amidst all the Power.'! of the earth, an example' of a 
free Ctovernment, and that we should not venture to give to 
other t)ations even a pretext, much less cause, to separate 
tliemselves from us, by undertaking to judge of their con- 
duct, and applying to them a rule accordiiig to which we 
jiiay denationalize nation after nation, according as their 
conduct may be found to correspond with our no'iions and 
judgment of what is right and proper in the adnu'ni-tration 
of human affairs. Sir. it floes not become us to take such 
perilous and unnecessary grounds, and I trust th.it we shall 
not adopt such a course. 

" Now, if we adopt this resolution, I have been curious to 
satisfy myself upon ivhat principle we can vindicate it. What 
principle does it involve.'' It involves the ))rinciple of as- 
suming, oil the part of this Government, a li^lit to pass 
judgment upon the conduct of foreign Powers — a branch of 
the sulijecl that has ben well treated ofliy the Senator who 
sits before me, [.Mr. Half..] Have we any such power? 
The most extensive bearingof the principle iuvolved In (he 
resolutionjiroposed by the honorable Senator frun Mirliigan 
assumes the right, on the part of this nation, to piOnounce 



6 



upon the conduct of all other nations, and tn follow it iip h)' 
some direct action, such as the suspending intercourse. We 
are riirecting at present the exercise of that power towiirds 
a nation, on account of the manner in which they have con- 
ducted a war, or of the manner in which they have treated 
ihe unfortunate prisoners who were talten during the prog- 
ress of that war. But where is to be the limit.' You begin 
with war. You may extend the same principle of action 
to politics or religion — to society, or to social principles and 
habits." 

And is it possible, Mr. President, that the hon- 
orable Senator from Kentucky can entertain the 
opinion, that in undertaking, in the delicate form 
■ proposed, to express? our sympathy for bleeding 
Hungary, and our disapprobation of the conduct 
of tho.se who have brought ruin upon her people, 
we will do what we have no authority to do.' that 
"we will open a new field of collision, terminating 
perhaps in war?" Does he really question our 
right to judge of the misconduct of other Powers, 
and of expressing our views thereupon, in any 
mode allowed by the law of nations; in other 
words, by a simple withdrawal of our minister? 
Well, sir, I cannot doubt the sincerity of the hon- 
orable Senator; I know his usual frank and manly 
bearing in debate; i know well, and, knov/ing, 
honor, the boldness and freedom with which he 
is accustomed to declare his opinions upon all 
public questions; for of him it may be as well 
said, as perhaps of any modern politician besides: 
" He shuns no question, and he wears no mask." 

And yet, Mr. President, I must ask leave to cite 
a certain very high authority against this view of 
the honorable Senator — authority which the whole 
Republic has long highly respected, and the re- 
spectability of which 1 hope the honorable Senator 
from Kentucky will not himself deny. Sir, in the 
month of January, 1824, the honorable Senator 
from Kentucky hinaself delivered a speech in the 
House of Representatives, upon a resolution intro- 
duced by the honorable Senator from Massachu- 
setts, [Mr. Webster,] which was drawn up in 
the following terms: 

Resolved, That provision ought to be made by law, for de- 
fraying the expenses incident totheappointmentof an agent 
or commissioner to Greece, whenever the i'resident shall 
deem it expedient to do so." 

This will be at once recognized as a resolution 
most clearly expressive of sympathy for the 
Greeks, and implying the most decided disappro- 
bation of the oppressive and cruel conduct of the 
Turks towards them; oppressive and cruel, but far 
less so, as all will acknowledge, than that recently 
practised in Hungary. The Greeks had not then 
achieved their liberties; nor is there the least rea- 
son to suppose that they ever would have succeed- 
ed in doing so, but for the foreign aid afterwards 
supplied to them. Listen to a. few paragraphs of 
the admirable speech made at the period referred 
to, and under the circumstances stated, by the hon- 
orable Senator from Kentucky : 

"There is reason to apprehend that a tremendous storm 
is ready to burst upon our happy country, one which may 
call into action all our vigor, courage, and resources. Is it 
wise or prudent, in preparing to breast the storm, if it must 
come, to talk to this nation of its incon)petency to repel Eu- 
ropean aggression, to lower its spirit, to vi^eaken its moral 
energy, and to qualify it for every conquest and base sub- 
mission .' If (here be any reality in the dangers whicii are 
supposed to encompass us, should we not animate the peo- 
ple, and adjure them to believe, as 1 do, that our resources 
are ample, and that we can bring into the field a million of 
freemen, ready to exhaust their iast drop of blood, and to 
spend the last cent in the defence of the comitry, its liberty, 
and its in.stitutions? Sir, are these, if united, to be con- 



quered by all Europe combined.' Ail the perils to which 
we can possibly be exposed are much less in reality than 
the imagination is disposed to paint them ; and they are 
best averted by an habitual contemplation of them, by re- 
ducing them to their true dimensions. If combined Europe 
is to precipitate itself upon us, we cannot too soon begin to 
invigorate our strength, to teach our heads to think, our 
hfearts to conceive, and our arms to execute, Uie high and 
noble deeds which belong to the character and glory of our 
country. The e.^perience of the world instructs us thE^l 
conquests are already achieved wliicii are firmly resolved 
on, and that men only become slaves who have ceased to 
resolve to be free. li^ we wish to cover ourselves with the 
best of all armor, let us not discourage our people; let us 
stimulate their ardor; let us sustain their resolution ; let us 
proclaim to them that we feel as they feel; and that with 
them we are determined to live or die like freemen. 

'•Surely, sir, we need no long or learned lectures about 
the nature of government and the influence of property or 
ranks on society. We may content ourselves with studying 
Che truechapacterof our own people, and with knowing that 
the interests areeonlided to us of a nation capable of doing 
and suffering all things for its liberty. Such a nation, if its 
rulers be faithful, must be inevitable. I well remember an 
observation made to mr, by the most illustrious female of 
the age, if not of her sex, (Madame deStael.) All history 
sliowei^, she said, that a nation was never conquered. No, 
sir; no united nation, that resolves to be free, can be con- 
quered. ' And has it come to this.' Are we so humbled, sn 
low, so debased, that vi'c dare not express our sympathy for 
suffering Greece? that we dare not articulate our detestation 
of ihe brutal excesses of which she has been the bleeding 
victim, lest we might offend some one or more of their 
imperial and royal majesties.' If gentlemen are afraid to 
act rashly on such asiiliject, suppose, Mr. Chairman, that 
we unite in an humble petition, addressed to their majesties,, 
beseeching them, that, in their graciouscondescension, they 
would allow us to express our feelings and sympathies. 
How shall it run.' 'We, the representatives of the free 
'people of the United States of America, humbly approach 
'the thrones of your imperial and royal majesties, and sup- 

' plicate that, if your imperial and royal clemency .' I 

cannot go through the disgusting recital; my lips have nor 
yet learned to pronounce" the sycophantic language of a 
iiegraded slave! Are we so mean, so base, so despicable, 
that we may not attempt to express our horror, uuer our 
indignation, at the most brutal and atrocious war that ever 
stairied earth, or shocked high Heaven? at the ferocious 
deeds of a savage and infuriated soldiery, stimulated a&d 
iirced on by the clergy of a fanatical and inimical religion, 
and riotingin all theexcesses of blood and butchery, at the 
mere details of which the heart sickens and recoils? 

" If the great body of Christendom can look on calmly and 
coolly, whilst all this is perpetrated on a christain peojile, in 
its own immediate vicinity, in its very presence, let us at 
least evince that one of its remote extremities is susceptible 
of sensibility to christain wrongs, and capable of syiiipathy 
for christian sufferings; that, in this remote quarter of 
the world, there are hearts not yet closed against compas- 
sion for human woes, that can pour out their indignant feel- 
ings at the oppression of a people endeared to us liy every 
ancient recollection and every modern tie. Sir, attempts 
have been m.nde to alarm the committee by the dangers to 
our commerce in the Mediterranean; and a wiigtched invoice 
of tigs and opium has been spread before us to repress our 
sensibilities and to eradicate our humanity. Alii sir, 'what 
shall it profit a man if he gain the whole world and lose his 
own soul ?-■ or what shall it avail a nation to save the whole 
of a miserable trade and lose its liberties ?" * « * 

" It may now be required of me to show what interest we 
have in resisting this new system. What is it to us, h may 
be ashed, upon what principles, or what pretences, the Eu- 
ropearr 'Grovernmenis assert a right of interfering in the 
affairs of their neighbors? The thunder, it may be said, rolls 
at a distance. The wide Atlantic is between us and dan- 
ger ; and howeverothers may suffer, we shall remain safe. 

"I think it is a sufficientanswer to this to say thai we are 
one of the nations; that we have an interest therefore in the 
preservation of that system of national la w and national inter- 
course which has heretofore subsisted so beneficial to all. 
Our system of govermiient, it should also be remembered, 
is throughout founded on principles utterly hostile to the 
new code; and if we remain undisturbed by its operations, 
we shall owe our security cither to our situation or our 
spirit. The enterprising character of the age; our own ac- 
tive commercial spirit, the great increase which has taken 
place in the intercourse b'etvyeen civilized and cotiinieiciaJ 
States, have necesi^arily connected us with the nations of 
the earth, and given us a high concern in the preservation 
of those salutary principles npoa which that iatercourse ia 



founded. We have as clear an interest in international law 
as individuals have in the laws of society. 

" But apart from the soundness of the policy on the ground 
of direct interest, we have, sir, a duty connected with this 
subject which, I trust, we are willing to perform. What do 
we not owe to the cause of civil and religious liberty.' to the 
principle of lawful resistance? to the principle, that society 
has a right to partake in its own government.? As the lead- 
ing republic of the world, living and breathing in these prin- 
ciples, and advanced by their operation with unequaled 
rapidity in our career, shall we give our consent to bring 
them inio disrepute and disgrace .'' It is neither ostentation 
nor boasting to say that there lie before this country in ini- 
niediate prospect a great extent and height of power. We 
are borne along towards this without eii'ort, and not always 
even with a full knowledge of the rapidity of our own mo- 
tion. Circumstances, which never combined before, have 
cooperated in our favor, and a mighty current is setting us 
forward, which we could not resist even if we would, and 
which, while we would stop to make an observation and 
take the time, has set us at the end of the operation fkr in 
advance of the place where we commenced it. Does it not 
become us, then, is it not a duty imposed on us, to give our 
weight to the side of liberty and justice — to let mankind 
know that we are not tired of our own institutions — and to 
protest against the asserted power of altering at pleasure the 
law of the civilized world."' 

. " BIr. Chairman, is it not extraordinary that, for these two 
successive years, the President of the United States should 
have been freely indulged, not only without censure, but 
with universal applause, to e.xpress the feelings which both 
the resolution and the amendment proclaim ; and yet, if this 
House venture to unite with him, the most awful conse- 
quences are to ensue.' From Maine to Georgia — from the 
Atlantic Ocean to the Gulf of Mexico — the sentiment of 
approbation has blazed with the rapidity of electricity. 
Everywhere the interest in the Grecian cause is felt with the 
deepest intensity, expressed in every form, and increases 
with every new day and passing hour ; and are the represent- 
atives of the people alone to be insulated from the common 
moral atmosphere of the whole land.' Shall we shut our- 
selves up in apathy, and separate ourselves from the country, 
from our constituents, from our Chief Magistrate, from our 
principles.'' 

"The measure has been most unreasonably niagnified. 
Gentlemen speak of the watchful jealousy of the Turk, and 
seem to think the slightest movement of this body will be 
matter of serious speculation at Constantinople. I believe 
that neither the Sublime Porte nor the European allies at- 
tach any such exaggerated importance to the acts and delib- 
erations of tliis body. The Turk will, in all probability, 
never bear of the names of the gentlemen who either es- 
pouse or oppose the resolution. It certainly is not without 
a value, but that value is altogether moral — it throws our 
little tribute into the vast stream of public opinion, which, 
sooner or later, must regulate the physical action upon the 
great interests of the civilized world. But, rely upon it, the 
Ottoman is not about to declare war against us because this 
unoffending proposition has been offered by my honorable 
friend from Massachusetts, whose name, however distin- 
guished and eminent he may be in our own country, has 
probably never reached the ears of the Sublime Porte. The 
allied Powers are not going to be thrown into a state of con- 
sternation because we appropriate two or three thousand 
dollars to send an agent to Greece. 

" The question has been arsued as if the Greeks would 
be exposed to still more shocking enormities by its passage ; 
as if the Turkish scimeter would be rendered still keener, 
and dyed deeper and yet deeper in Christian blood. Sir, if 
such is to be the effect of the declaration of our sympathy, 
the evil has already been produced. The declaration has 
been already publicly and solemnly made by the Chief Ma- 
gistrate of the United States in two distinct messages. It is 
the document which commands at home and abroad the 
most fixed and universal attention, which is translated into 
all the foreign journals ; read by sovereigns and their minis- 
ters, and possibly by the Divan itself. But our resolutions are 
domestic,' for home consumption, and rarely, if evtr, meet 
imperial or royal eyes. The President, in his messages, 
after a most touching rt presentation of the feelings excited 
by the Greek insurrection, tells you that the dominion of the 
Turk is go- e forever, and that the most sanguine hope is 
entertained that Greece will achieve her independence. 
WhII, sir, if this lie the fact — if the allied powers them- 
selves, ma> possibly, before we again assemble in this hall, 
acknowledge that independence — is it not fit and becoming 
in this Hou.'^e to make provision that our President shall 
t>e among the foremost, or at least not among the last, 
in that acknowledgment.' So far from this resolution being 
ikely to whetthe vengeance of the Turk against his Grecian 



victims, I believe its tendency will be directly the reverse. 
Sir, with all his unlimited power, and in all the elevation of 
his despotic throne, he is at last but man, made as we are, 
of flesh, of muscle, of bone, and sinew. He is susceptible 
of pain, and can feel and has felt the uncalculating valor of 
American freemen in some of his dominions ; and when he 
is made to understand that the Executive of this Govern- 
ment is sustained by the representatives of the people — that 
our entire political fabric, base, column, and entablature, 
rulers and people, with heart, soul, mind, and strength, are 
all on the side of the gallant people whom be would crush — 
he will become more likely to restrain than to increase his 
atrocities upon sufferingand bleeding Greece." * * * 

The' honorable Senator will allow me to use his 
own language in the case of the Greeks upon the 
present occasion, and doubtless he will himself 
respect it also when he hears it again enunciated 
in a ease so strikingly analogous. Then I say to 
the honorable Senator, in his own former words: 
" The Emperor of Austria, with ali his unlimited 
power, and in all the elevation of his despotic 
throne, is at last but man, made, as we are, of 
flesh, of muscle, of bone, and sinew. He is sus- 
ceptiiale of pain, and can feel the uncalculating 
valor of American freemen; and when he is made 
to understand that our entire political fabric, base, 
column, and entablature, rulers and people, with 
heart, soul, mind, and strength, are all on the side 
of the gallant people whom he would crush, he 
will be more likely to restrain than increase his 
atrocities upon suffering and bleeding" Hungary. 

It chances to be quite convenient to multiply 
authority upon the main point to be decided by 
na. The honorable Senator from Massachusetts, 
already mentioned as the author of the movement 
of sympathy in favor of the Greeks, expressed 
himself on the occasion with all his accustomed 
eloquence, and avowed sentiments as noble as 
those which he is reported as having enunciated 
recently upon the subject of Hungarian wrongs. 
I will recreate the Senate for a few moments by 
reading a few extracts from the speech delivered 
by him: 

"'T wish to take occasion of the struggle of an interesting 
and gallant people, in the cause of liberty and Christianity, 
to draw the attention of the House to the circumstances 
which have accompanied that struggle, and to the principles 
which appear to have governed the conduct of the great 
States of Europe in regard to it ; and to the etfects and con- 
sequences of these principles upon the independence of na- 
tions, and especially upon the institutions of free govern- 
ments. What I have to say of Greece, therefore, concerns 
the modern, not the ancient; the living, and not the dead. 
It regards her not as she exists in history, triumphant over 
time, and tyranny, and ignorance, but as she now is, con- 
tending against fearful odds for being and for the common 
privilege of human nature. 

"Aslt is never difficult to recite commonplace remarks 
arid trite aphorisms, so it may be easy, I am aware, on this 
occasion to remind me of the wisdom which dictates to men 
a care of their own alfairs, and admonishes them, instead of 
searching for adventures abroad, to leave other men's con- 
cerns in their own hands. It may be easy to call this reso- 
lution Quixotic, the emanation of a crusading or a propa- 
gandist spirit. All this, and more, may be readily said ; but 
all this, and more, will not be allowed to fix a character upon 
this proceeding uritil that is proved which it takes for grant- 
ed. Let it first be shown that in this question there is nothing 
which can affect the interest, the character, or ihe duty of 
this country. Let it be proved that we are not called upon, 
by either of these considerations, to express an opinion on 
the subject to which the resolution relates. Lfl this be 
proved, and then it will indeed be made out that neither 
onglit this resolution to pass, nor ought the subject of it to 
have been mentioned in the communicalionofthe President 
to us. But, in my opinion, this cannot be shown. In my 
judgment, the subject is interesting to the People and the 
Government of this country, and we are called upon, by con- 
siderations of great weight and moment, to express our opin- 
ions uponit. These considerations, I ili ink, spring from a 
sense of our own duty, our character, and our interest. I 



8 



wish to treat tlie subject on such grounds exclusively as are 
truly American ; but then, in considering itas an American 
question, I cannot forget the age in which we live, the pre- 
vailing spirit oftlie age, the interesting questions which agi- 
tate it, and our own pecuhar relation in regard to these 
interesting questions. Let this be, then— and, as far as I am 
ooncerned.I hope it will be — purely an American discussion; 
hut let It embrace, nevertheless, everything that fairly con-, 
cerns America ; let it comprehend, not merely her present 
advantage, but her permanent interest, her elevated char- 
acter, as one of the free Slates of the world, and her dutv 
towards those great principles which have hitherto main- 
tained the relative independence of nations, and which have, 
more especially, made her what she is." * * * 

"In the next place, I take it for granted, that the policy 
of this country, springing from the nature of onr govern- 
ment, and the spirit of afi our institutions, is, so far as it re- 
spects the interesting questions which agitate the present 
age, on the side of liberal and enlightened sentiments. The 
age is extraordinary, the spirit that actuates it is peculiar 
and marked; and our own relation to the limes we live in, 
and to tiie questions which interest them, is equally marked 
and peculiar. We are placed by our good fortune, and the 
wisdom and valor of our ancestors, in a condition in which 
we can act no obscure part, Be it for honor, or be it for dis- 
honor, whatever we do is not likely to escape the observa- 
tion of the world. As one of the free States among the 
nations, as a great and rapidly rising Republic, it would be 
impossible fur us, if we were so disposed, to prevent our 
principles, our sentiments, and oure.varaple, from producing 
some effect upon the opinions and hopes of society through- 
out the civilized world. It rests probably with ourselves to 
determine wliether the influence of these shall be salutary 
or pernicious. 

" it cannot be denied that the great political question of 
the age, is that between absolute and regulated Govern- 
ments. The substance of the controversy is, whether soci- 
ety shall have any part in its own government. Whether 
the form of government shall be that of limited monarchy, 
with more or less mixture of hereditary power, or wholiy 
elective, or representative, may, perhaps, be considered as 
subordinate. The main controversy is between that abso- 
lute rule, which, while it promises to govern well, means 
nevertheless to govern without control, and that regulated 
or constitutional system, which restrains sovereign discre- 
tion, and asserts that society may claim, as a matter of riaht, 
some effective power in the establishment of the laws which 
are to regulate it. The spirit of the times se s with a most 
powerful current in favor of these last-mentioned opinions. 
It is oppo_-ed, however, whenever or wherever it shows 
itself, by certain of the great potentates of Europe; and it is 
opposed on grounds as applicable in one civilized nation as 
in another, and which would justify such opposition in je- 
lation to the United States, as well asin relation to any other 
State ornatron, if time and ciicumstance should render such 
opposition expedient. 

"What part it becomes this country to take on a question 
of this sort, so far as it is called upon to take any part, can- 
not be doubtfii!. Our side of this question is scuttled for us, 
even without our own volition. Our history, our situation, 
our character, necessarily decide our position and our 
course before we have even time to ask whether we have 
an opinion. Our place is on the side of free institutions. 
From the earliest .settlement of these States their inhabit- 
ants were accustomed, in a greater or less degree, to the 
enjoyment of the powers of self-government;" and for the 
last half century Ihey have sustained systems of government 
entirely representative, yielding to themselves the greatest 
possible prosperity, and not leaving them without distinc- 
tion and respect among the nations of the earth. This sys- 
tem we are not likely to abandon ; and while we shall no 
further recommend its adoption to other nations, in whole 
or in part, thuii it may recommend itself by its visible influ- 
ence on our own growth and prosperity, we are neverthe- 
less interested to resist the establishment of doctrines which 
deny the legality of its foundations. We stand as an equal 
among nations, claiming the full, benefit of the established 
international law ; and it is our duty to oppose, from the 
earliest to the latest moment, any innovations tipon that 
code, which sh.iil bring into doubt or question our own 
equal or independent rights." 

But the honorable Senator from Kentucky was 
pleased to suggest a striking want of sympathy 
betv/een the premises and conclusion of the hon- 
orable Senator from Michigan. These are his 
words: 

" Sir, I tliink that the question ought to be treated as if it 
were a direct proposition to suspend diplomatic intercourse 



with the Power indicated in the original resolution. And, 
sir, I have been at first very much struck with the want of 
sympathy between the premises and conclusions of the 
honorablt* Senator from Michigan. In his premises he 
depicted the enormities of Austrian despotism. Who 
doubts the perpetration of those enormities } In the most 
glowing strains of eloquence he portrayed to us the wrongs 
ofsulTering Hungary. Who doubts them? He speaks of 
the atrocio'us executions committed by her — the disgrace of 
the age, and, above all, of Austria. Who doubts it .' These 
were the premises' of the honorable Senator ; but what was 
his conclusion? It was requiring the recall of a little 
charge d'affaires that we happen to have at Vienna. Why, 
the natural conclusion would be to declare war immediately 
against Austria, if she had committed such enormities"; 
tliough, from the impossibility of coming in contact with 
her, this resource might be difficult of accomplishment." 

Now, sir, observe, if you please, that the hon- 
orable Senator from Kentucky himself admits all 
the " enormities" charged, and asks " who doubts 
their perpetration.'" He admits " the wrongs of 
suffering Hungary," and asks again " who doubts ' 
them.'" He refers to the " atrocious executions" 
committed by Austria, calls them " the disgrace of 
the age," and asks, a third time, " who doubts it?" 
And then he says " these were the premises of the 
honorable Senator; but what was his conclusion: 
It was requiring the recall of a little charge d'af- 
faires that we happen to have at Vienna." And, 
he adds, " Why, the natural conclusion would be 
to declare war immediately against Austria, if she 
had committed such enormities." Ah! and is the 
honorable Senator in favor of our declaring war 
against Austria.' Has he abandoned his pacific 
ground, and resolved on embarkmg the country in 
transatlantic hostilities.' Such is the plain import 
of his words, since all the facts are admitted to ex- 
ist, which would, according to him, nnake war the 
" nattirAl" result. I beg leave to differ with the 
honorable Senator, and instead of declaring war 
outright, I prefer withdrawing our charge, whether 
big or little, and thus avoiding all possibility of 
hostile collision. But I beg you to bear testimony, 
Mr. President, that I did not call Gen, James Wat- 
son Webb " our little charge,'^ nor suggest that we 
^'■happen" simply to have such a personage at the 
Court of Austria, These terms, so well calculated 
to detract from the dignity of our august Minister 
at the Court of Vienna, and, per chance, to eclipse 
the lustre which at present encircles his nanne, I 
could scarcely have ventured to employ, at least in 
presence and hearing of his redoubtable advocate 
and champion over the vvray, [Mr. Seward.] 

The honorable Senator from Kentucky has, I 
well know, formally declined exercising in behalf 
of the present Administration a parliamentary 
leadership; and I had no suspicion, until I listened 
to his speech of yesterday, that he meditated the 
commencement of a regular course of hostilities 
against those in power. And yet such would seem 
to be his design, judging from his words, which I 
am about to read, and which surprised me not a 
little at the time of their utterance: 

" Why, sir, great is the incongruity between the premises 
of the honoraijie Senator and his conclusion. To recall our 
charge d'affaires. Sir, I think, instead of pursuing that 
course, by which we shall close the door of intercourse with 
Austria, by which we shall gain nothing in behalf of the 
suffering Hungarians, and the snftering exiles from Hungary: 
a very different course, indeed, would have been the one 
that ought to have been suggested by the honorable Senator. 
Instead of suspending our diplomatic intercnuise, I would 
have sent from this country some eminentand distinguished 
and enlightened citizen, some one who possessed the confi- 
dence oi'ihe country — the honorable Senator himself woultj 
have been a very fit and suitable representative on such an 
interesting occasion — I would have sent him to the Court of 



Russia, to plead the nobie cause of the Hungarians, and if 
she would not open her ears to the dictatea of humanity, 
which might be infused into her through an agent such as I 
have described, I would have instructed him to remonstrate 
in the name of suffering humanity — in the name of Christi- 
anity—to rebuite her for her inhumanity." 

So, the honorable Senator from Kentucky, "in- 
stead of suspending diplomatic intercourse, would 
have sent from this country some eminent, distin- 
guished, and enlightened citizen — some one who 
possessed the confidence of the country," "to 
the Court of Russia, to plead the noble cause of 
the Hungarians." This is what the honorable 
Senator would have done. Well, sir, this is pre- 
cisely what was not done. No such minister has 
been sent to Russia, nor, in fact, any minister at 
all. Really, I am afraid that the President and 
his Cabinet will fee! that they have a right to 
think a little hard of this severe indirect rebuke, 
administered to them by the Senator from Ken- 
tucky, for not doing what he plainly says they 
ought to have done, and for neglecting to do which , 
in .the judgment of the honorable Senator, at least, 
they must be altogether censurable. I am not au- 
thorized to become the regular defender of the 
Administration against the assaults of its o°wn 
recognized friends; but I must really beg leave to 
protest against the imposition of censure upon the 
gentlemen in power, i'or not sending a minister to 
Russia for the purposes named. 
_ Mr. CLAY. Will the Senator from Mississip- 
pi allow me to say here that in the paragraph 
which he has read, it was not "Russia," but 
= ' Austria, "to which I said it would be preferable 
to send a minister, rather than to suspend our in- 
tercourse .' I take the occasion, sir, of saying that 
I did not see the report of my remarks in the Sen- 
ate yesterday until I rfead them in the Intelligencer 
to-day. I found it, in general, to be remarkably 
accurate, but there were one or tv/o errors, one of 
which is, that in this paragraph the word " Rus- 
sia" is substituted for " Austria." I thank the 
Senator for giving way for this explanation. 

Mr. FOOTE. I assure the honorable Senator 
that I should not have so confidently taken it for 
granted thathe.had been reported accurately, but 
for the fact that I found him reported in both the 
Union and Intelligencer as employing the phrase- 
ology upon which I have been commenting. 

Mr. CLA^. Will the Senator allow me to sav 
that I find, upon looking at the report in the Union, 
that it reads in the same way; that both the re- 
porters for the Union and for the Intelligencer have 
represented me as saying "Russia." Whatever 
was the fact, I intended to say " Austria," and so 
my friends understood me. it is a matter of very 
little consequence, but I wished to be understood. 
Mr. FOOTE. Well, sir, I am happy "to have 
given occasion to the honorable Senator for the 
correction which he has now administered. But 
really that seems not to better the matter very 
much; for no such person as the one described by 
the honorable Senator has been sent even to the 
Court of Austria— no " eminently distinguished 
and enlightened citizen" has, in my judgment, or 
in the judgment of the country at large, been yet 
Kent to the Court of Austria. But, admitting that 
just such a personage as ihe honorable Scliator 
from Kentucky seems to think ought to have been 
dispatched to the Court of Vienna, has been actu- 
ally accredited to Austria, there seems to be 
another very serious objection to this part of the 



honorable Senator's speech, which it will be ex- 
ceedingly difficult to meet. He says he would 
have sent this minister to the Court of Austria, to 
plead the noble cause of the Hungarians; and if 
she would not open her ears to the dictates of hu- 
manity, which might be infused into her through 
such an agent as the one described, " he would 
have instructea him to rebuke her for her inhu- 
manity !" Nov/, sir, it does really strike me that 
such amission as this v/ou!d have been well calcu- 
lated to involve us in a war with the Austrian Em- 
pire; and, as Austria and Russia seem to be in 
close union, for all the atrocious purposes against 
which this solemn protest was to be made and this 
fierce "■rebuke''' vocifsrated, we should, in all prob- 
ability, have had a double war on our hands with 
the two fraternizing Emperors. Surely, sir, the 
honorable Senator must perceive that our resolu- 
tion, which simply proposes, to employ his own 
words, " to recall a little charge," is not near 
so likely to bring' on war and its dread conse- 
quences as would be a mission set on foot for the 
purpose of direct interference in the most delicate 
concerns of a proud and sensitive nation, and with 
a view to the utterance of language of insulting 
and public rebuke to one of the haughtiest despots 
that has ever yet borne rule in Christendom. In- 
deed, sir, I am disposed to think that the honora- 
ble Senator, as a lover of peace, had better, after 
all, come over to the support of our resolution to 
suspend diplomatic relations merely. 

But, Mr. President, why should this proposal 
of the honorable Senator from Michigan awaken 
any alarm.? The President of the United Stales 
has recently determined it to be expedient to recall 
our minister to the Central Government of Ger- 
many, and the gentleman lately accredited there, 
who iias the misfortune, if misfortune it may be 
called, of being an excellent Democrat, has already 
returned to this country. I take it upon myself to 
say, too, that this mission to Central Germany 
has been actually suppressed. Yes, sir, suppressed, 
at a period when, as I believe could be easily 
proved, the presence of an American minister at 
Frankfort was of the utmost importance both to 
the commercial concerns of this country and the 
cause of liberal principles in our venerated father- 
land; and when even a suspension of diplomatic 
intercourse for a short period of time might be 
possibly productive of serious inconvenie'nce, if 
not injury. I say this mission has been sup- 
pressed, and I know, that this statement will not 
be denied. But I do not say this for the purpose 
of censuring the Administration. No, sir, not at 
all. The transaction is one to be scrutinized, to 
be sure; and if it should turn out upon investiga- 
tion, that it is expedient to restore the suppressed 
mission, I have no doubt that the proper means 
will be adopted for its restoration. I will not deny 
that the course of the Administration was directed 
by good motives, though I fear that a mistake of 
quite a serious character has been committed. I 
cite this case with a view to shovy, that the Admin- 
istration itself perceives no ground for the ap- 
prehension of such consequences as have been 
depicted, from the mere suspension of diplomatic 
relations with any foreign Power, nor even from 
the absolute suppression of a mission. 

The honorable Senator from Kentucky has at- 
tempted to distinguish between the case of the 
South American Republics, recognized by this 



Government as sovereign States many years ago, 
chiefly at the instance of the gentleman himself, 
and the case of HLungary as now presented to our 
notice; he says that he was then laboring " to 
bring new nations into existence," whereas, by 
our resolution, we seek to " blot out of existence" 
a- nation which has been long established. Why, 
sir, it does seem to me that the honorable Senator 
has committed a serious error in taking this view 
of the subject; for, in the first place, it is impossi- 
ble for that honorable Senator, or any other person, 
to prove that the mere withdrawal of a minister 
can have the effect of denationalizing the Power 
with whom diplomatic intercourse is thus sus- 
pended for a season; and, secondly, the sympathy 
which we propose to express for Hungary, and 
the encouragement which we desire to administer 
to the strugglers for freedom in that unhappy coun- 
try, cannot but have considerable influence in 
facilitating the ultimate establishment of a new 
nation — another republic in Europe — to cooperate 
with us, in coming centuries, in sustaining the holy 
cause of civil and religious liberty in the world, 
by example, by precept, and by all moral in- 
fluences which may be legitimately put in ac- 
tion. 

The honorable gentleman is, in my opinion, 
greatly in error also, in supposing that the strug- 
gle for freedom is at an end in Hungary. It is not 
true, as he seems to suppose, and as he has 
expressly declared, that Hungary is "subdued," 
"crushed." His accomplished friend, Madame de 
Stael, whose authority he invoked, as we have 
seen, in 1824, upon the Greek question, would tell 
him, if living, as she did on a former occasion, 
that no nation is ever subdued who really desires 
freedom, and is willing to exert herself in the prop- 
er manner for its acquisition, and maintenance; in 
the language of poetry, I may venture to tell him, 
that 

"Freedom's battle, oiice begun, 
Bequeathed by bleeding sire to sen, 
Tliough baffled oft, is^ever won." 

No, sir, no; if the free States of the world, in- 
cluding among the foremost our own country, 
perform their duty towards Flungaryat this crisis, 
the struggle for freedom will be renewed and pros- 
ecuted with an energy and persevering valor which 
■will forever terminate the debasing thraldom in 
which her heroic sons are at present so wofully 
involved. 

I hope to be pardoned for here alluding to a 
somewhat delicate point. My honorable friend 
from Michigan, with that modesty which belongs 
to his character, appears to be willing to yield to 
the honorable Senator from Massachusetts the 
credit of having originated this movement, or at 
least of having verji' distinctly suggested in his 
New Hampshire speech, so freely quoted from on 
this occasion, views and sentiments altogether in 
harmony with the proposition before us. Now, 
sir, in all frankness, I must confess, without the 
least inclination to av/aken sectional rivalry about 
this matter, that a 'distinguished southern states- 
man is entitled to the honor of flrst recommend- 
ing, in a specific manner, the measure now in 
progress. John Tyler, of Virginia, than whom, 
m my judgment, no American, living or dead, has 
received more injustice at the hands of his coun- 
trymen of the present generation, but whose no- 
ble republican Administration is destined, 1 doubt 



not, to shine most brilliantly in our national annals, 
on the 16th day of July last, wrote and published 
the beautiful and soul-stirring letter whicli I hold 
in my hand, and of which I will, with the consent 
of the Senate, read to you a short extract. These 
are Mr. Tyler's words : 

" I have been highly gratified to learn that your coarse on 
the Hungarian question has been so entirely in consonance 
with my own feelings, although I have taken no occasion 
heretofore to express them. That noble people are entitled 
to the deepest sympathy of every lover of his race; and if 
they ultimatelygHceeed, they will have done more for the 
cause of humanity than has been achieved since our Revo- 
lution. What prudence and wisdom in counoii, and what 
consummate generalship have they not already eshibited. 
The elevation to their Presidency of one of the greatest 
men of the age; the humanity, the observance of which is 
always wise, wliieh they manifest upon all occasions ; their 
undaunted bravery and gallant bearing, entitle them to the 
first place among nations ripe for liberty. 

" What shall he said of their opponents in this great strug- 
gle for freedom? Wherever they move, 'desolation marks 
their progress.' In prosecuting the war, tliey seem to have 
laid aside the attributes of civilized men, and to have be- 
come little better than demons. Acts disgraceful to the 
worst ages of the world signalize their smallest victories. 
Villages sacked and plundered; the noblest of the people 
marked out for disgraceful executions, and women of the 
first class exposed in their persons and subjected to the 
scourge ! Such are the accounts that reach us. As a 
people, we can give no aid in arms and men to the Hunga- 
riar.s; but as one of the community of nations, we have a 
right to enforce and a duty to perform. We are interested 
in seeing that the rules which civilization has prescribed for 
the conduct of war shall be observed by nations at war. 
When Austria subjects to the scourge women of worth and 
character, thus trampling civilization in the dust, and re- 
verting to days of worse than Gothic darkness and barbarity, 
it becomes our duty, as it is that of every civilized State, to 
protest against such proceedings ; and, if our protest is un- 
availing, to manifest our displeasure by v\ithdrawing all 
diplomatic intercourse. The United States should not be 
left in a doubtful position. We are responsible to the world 
and to posterity for the aid we may give in the advancemehl 
of society to the highest state of civilization and refinement; 
and we lint poorly acquit ourselves of our duty, if we keep 
company with thoae who war both against the one and the 
other. This would not be taking part in the struggles of 
Europe, no stepping out of our sphere of neutrality; it would 
be but the enforcernent of those conventional rules, in the 
preservation of which the interests of all nations are alike 
involved. What are the views of our Government on this 
subject I have no means of knowing. I express my ovm 
opinions for your deliberation and reflection." 

As a native son of the South, Mr. President, I. 
am glad that this noble letter was written by Ex- 
President Tyler; as a Virginian myself, in birth, 
and as I trust I may say without the appearance 
of egotism, in principle also, 1 am proud that one 
of her cherished statesmen first suggested this idea 
of discontinuing our diplomatic relations with Aus- 
tria. I can assure honorable gentlemen that the- 
sentiments of Mr. Tyler will be as warmly re- 
sponded to in the States south of Mason and 
Dixon's line as in the States north of it; nor shall 
we fail to sympathize with our Hungarian breth- 
ren, because individuals, inimical bo our ov/n 
domestic institutions, and seeking to violate our 
constitutional rights, (somewhat, by the way, 
after the manner of Austria herself towards Hun- 
gary,) think proper to profess a peculiar sort of 
abolition sympathy for the heroic defenders of 
freedom upon Hungarian soil. No, sir, we per- 
fectly understand the arts of our adversaries, and 
so does the country; and we shall not be swerved 
either to the right or the left a hair's-breadth by .all 
the hypocritical and ambidextrous advocacy with 
which unscrupulous political managers may seek 
to discredit and defeat a proposition intrinsically 
so meritorious as that now under consideration. I 



11 



cannot dismiss this topic without remarking, that 
those who suppose that the people of the southern 
States will evince a cold indifference to the pros- 
tration of free institutions in Hungary, know very- 
little of the lofty characteristics which belong to 
the slaveholding population of the Union ; of 
whose ancestors Mr. Burke said, in one of his 
most profound speeches, that "the spirit of liberty 
was still more high and haughty" among them, 
than among their brethren of the North, by rea- 
son, as he supposes, of "the multiUide of slaves" 
possessed liy them ; declaring in addition that 
where a system of domestic slavery, like that 
of the South, exists " in any part of the world, 
those who are free are by far the most proud 
and jealous of their freedom ;" for, he says ; 
'^Freedom is to them not only an enjoyment, bxU 
a kind of rank and privilege. " But, sir, in thus 
avowing my confident expectation that the res- 
olution of the honorable Senator from Michigan 
will meet with approval in the South, I am far 
from intending to say anything in disparagement 
of our northern brethren, who (remove fanati- 
cism and demagogical trickery from among them) 
are doubtless worthy of all the commendation 
which we hear So often bestowed upon them by 
their representatives upon this floor. I have not 
forgotten the noble movements which were made 
in several of our populous northern cities in behalf 
of the Hungarians whilst yet their war with com- 
bined Russia and Austria was in progress, it is 
with the highest satisfaction that 1 read an account, 
a few m.onihs since, of the proceedings of a large 
popular meeting in Philadelphia, over which a 
distinguished son of the Keystone State, who for- 
merly adorned the seat which you now occupy, 
presided in a manner so imposing. Nor have I for- 
gotten that it was a high-spirited and accomplished 
son of Pennsylvania, that immortalized himself, 
and added greatly to the honor of his country by 
magnanimously assuming the responsibility of 
welcoming the young French Republic into the 
family of nations. These fects, so hoiorable to 
Pennsylvania, have filled my heart with gratitude 
and with rejoicing. And now we learn, in addi- 
tion, that the Legislature of this noble State has 
already instructed her Senators here to support the 
resolution upon your table. But be assured that 
Pennsylvania will not be permitted to enjoy a mo- 
nopoly of glory. Other States, I doubt not, v/ill 
speedily imitate her example. Among our twenty 
millions of freemen but one voice will be heard; 
and that will declare, in language not to be misun- 
derstood, our unanimous sympathy for downtrod- 
den Hungary, and our measureless contempt for 
her tyrannical oppressors. 

Allow me to read to you, Mr. President, a por- 
tion of a letter which has just been placed in my 
hands, written by a leading British statesman, 
whose name is closely associated with all that is 
sound in principle and wise in statesmanship. I 
allude, of course, to Mr. Cobden, who, writing to 
the Austrian Minister of the Interior, a few weeks 
since, employed the following bold and manly 
language: 

" These lines are not addressed to'you in. your character 
as a nietnlier of thft Austrian Govcrnnienl; llifiy are ad- 
dri^gstd to ynu personally, as 3 gentleman wlioi-e liberal ar.d 
enlig!)tHiifcd views left u lasting impression on my mind, 
wlipii 1 iiad the pU^asure of making your acquainlance in 
Vienna. An excuse for this step you will find in the prin- 
ciples of humanity and civilization, which, at that time. 



were equally cherished by lis both. Mindful, then, of the 
opinions which reconunended me to j'our friendly attention 
in the year 1847, 1 cannot suppose that ynu are now less 
favorably inclined toward thenri than you were then, 

"Pul)lic opinion, in my country, is horror-struck at the 
cold-blooded cruelties which have been .exercised on the 
fallen leaders of Uie Hungarians. The feeling is not confined 
to one class or to one particular party, for there is not a man 
in England who has defended, either in writing or by word 
of mouth, the acts of Austria. The opinions of the civilized 
States of the Continent will have already reached you, while 
that of America will very soon be Known in Vienna. You 
are too enlightened not to be aware that the unanimous ver- 
dict of contemporaries must also be the judgment of history. 
But have you considered that history will not deal with the j^ 
brutal soldiery, the creatures of cruelty, but with the minis- 
ters, who are responsible for their crimes.'' I should not like 
to appeal to less important motives than those of an honor- 
able ambition ; but have you well considered the dangers 
which threaten you in your present course? 

" You, who are so well read in English history, must re- 
member that four years after Jeffries's "bloody assizes," not 
only he himself, but his royal master was a miserable fugi- 
tive before the avenging hand of justice. Or do we live in a 
time when the public conscience can be treated wUh con- 
tempt, without fear of the punishment that followed in the 
nineteerfth century.' Is it not, on the contrary, the peculiar 
characteristic of our time that deeds of violence, whether 
committed by governments or by the people, are followed 
by reaction with astonishing celerity ."■ But I am taking too 
great a liberty in offering to defend your reputation or in 
permitting myself to be interested in your personal safety. 

" I appeal to you in the name of humanity, to make an 
end to this renewed reign of terror, which, not mnteiit 
with butchering its victims, must also put to rack all ihe b-pi- 
ter feelings of humanity ; for the world has advanced too \'.ir 
in civilization long to permit upon its stages heroes like Alva 
and Haynau. J conjure you publicly to protest against the 
judicial butchering oVprisoners of war; against the still more 
disgraceful whipping of females ; and, finally, against the 
practice of kidnapping, in order that you may be acquitted 
of all participation in the respnnsibihty for acts whichmust 
brand with shame their authors." 

Yes, sir, the promise which Mr. Cobden has 
made for us in advance will be redeemed. The 
" opinion of America will be very soon known in 
Vienna." 'That opinion will, in my judgment, 
be most appropriately declared by adopting the 
resolution of the honorable Senator from Michi- 
gan, and following up its adoption by correspond- 
ent action. 

And now, Mr. President, before I bring my re- 
marks to a conclusion, I will venture to take a slight 
personal libertf with the honorable Senator from 
Kentucky. With that graceful sportiveness of 
manner for which he is so much distinguished, he 
was pleased to allude to a topic of rather a delicate 
character, and to propound several rather embar- 
rassing queries to the honorable Senator from 
Michigan relative to the number of ladies to be 
found in a certain magnificent palace of the Turk- 
ish Sultan, which I do not choose to name. The 
honorable Senator from Michigan, in reply,' pro- 
fessed entire ignorance on the subject, but suggested 
that the honorable Senator from Kentucky, were 
he to visit Constantinople, would, in all probability, 
be inclined to satisfy his own curiosity by some- 
thing of personal inspection and formal enumera- 
tion. Now, sir, it might chance that such a visit 
of the honorable Senator might awaken more or 
less of suspicion in some minds; and, if discovered 
to be engaged in his adventurous attempt to pene- 
trate the mysteries of this Elysian abode, he might 
find it convenient to avow, for the object of his 
visit, the execution of a sweeping and thorough 
moral reform in the whole establishment referred 
to; in which case he might appropriately repeat the 
famous exclamation which he is reported to have 
uttered when on a visit to the city of New York 



12 



some t\\o years since, when, on the presentation 
of a warm-hearted Irish Democrat to him, who 
labored under visible embarrassment at being 
brought into contact with so distinguished a Whig 
leader, he relieved him by saying: '^ I came not to 
call the righteous, but sinnerr' to repentance. " I will 
add that, should an occasion arise, and if the hon- 
orable Senator should be accused of unauthorized! y 
kissing the lips of the fair ladiae of the mansion 
alluded lo, he might easily justify his conduct in 
the premises, in this liberal and loving generation. 
* by quoting from the pages of anacreontic poetry, 



and announce, as these beautiful and glowing 
lines: 

'■ "Twere a shame, when flowers around us rise, 

To make (ijiht of the rest, if the rose is not there, 
And the world is so rich in resplendent eyes, 

'Twere a pity to limit one's loves to a pair; 
Love's wings and the peacock's are nearly alike, 

They are bothof them bright, but they are changeable too. 
And whenever a new Ijeam of beauty can sU'ike, 

It will tincture love's plume with a dilTerent hue. 
Then oh ! how sweet, where'er we rove, 

To be doom'd to find something still that is dear; 
And when we are far from the lips that we love, 

We have but to make love to the lips we are near." 



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